 |
| File Photo |
weapons implicates senior government officials in Djibouti, which suggests that
the Doraleh port terminal, which is now under government control and suffers
from porous customs checks, will increasingly be leveraged as an arms trade
hub.
However, the most significant flows of illegal weapons will continue to be
moved in smaller dhows via the fishing communities in the south-east coast and
via the Garacad port project.
So far, and over the past few years, the DP World operated
Doraleh terminal was not used for arms trafficking. However, local intelligence
suggests that the terminal, which is now under government control, may in
future be leveraged as a processing center for the illegal arms trade.
There is some evidence that the Doraleh terminal will
increasingly be used for the weapons trade.
The Chairman of the Djibouti Ports
and Free Zone Authority (DPFZA), Aboubaker Omar Hadi, is a close friend of Ali
Abdi Aware, who is a three times presidential candidate of Puntland, as well as
a very prominent businessman.
They are jointly involved in a venture where
Aware is personally in charge of former Yemen president Ali Abdallah Saleh’s
bank CAC International. This bank is headquartered in Djibouti.
Local
intelligence suggests that Omar Hade helped with the registration of the bank
and owns shares in it (“part of the investment components”).
Moreover, Omar Hadi has established a bank branch in Bosaso that can launder
money for underground institutions dealing with weapon imports from Yemen, as
the bank hails from Yemen originally.
Aware is also very well established in the Guelleh government
and he was the one who set up Puntland’s assistance to Djibouti donating 900
camels to Djibouti when it had an armed dispute with its Eritrean rival over
the disputed Doumeira Islands.
He also helped Djibouti secure an investment
commitment for road construction from the Saudi government back in 2009 when
late General Adde Muse Hersi was Puntland’s president.
Indeed, the trade in illegal weapons in Djibouti stretches t
the highest echelons of the government. Local intelligence confirms that one
company, which in the public version of this report will only be names as
Company Z, is owned by the Guelleh family and handles arms trade.
Company Z
only deals with weapons imports into Somalia.
Those same weapons are then often
distributed to political factions backed by the government.
All this suggests that the Doraleh terminal will start to
play a more prominent role in regional arms trafficking. Local intelligence
suggests that the main port of Djibouti is not secure and that customs
procedures are porous, which facilitates illegal shipments.
Yet, since this
terminal will remain one of Djibouti’s main import-export hubs, international
scrutiny of cargo flows is high here, which will limit the port’s use as a
weapons trade center.
However, sources say that much of the illegal arms trade
does not need to be moved through Djibouti’s main port. It is moved in smaller
dhows via the fishing communities in the south-east coast.
Moreover, Djibouti is also now involved in the construction
of Garacad Port. Djibouti became following a political disagreement with the
Somali government with regards to the Eritrea-Ethiopia-Somalia rapprochement
following the meeting between the Somali President and his counterpart Afewerki
in Asmara.
Djibouti are taking advantage of the Puntland disagreement with the
Somali government here over the Garacad port. Prime Minister Hassan recently
visited the region and was invited to the grand opening of the Garacad Project
but refused to do so as the Somali government recently began the Hobyo port
construction plan, only 90 km down the road.
There is a lot of tension between the Somali government and
Djibouti over their involvement in this project. Local intelligence suggests
that the Somali government is rightly worried about Djibouti using this as a
base for moving weapons from the Gulf of Aden into Puntland and then onwards
into Somalia proper (see previous comments on support for destabilising
factions within Somalia such as al-Shabaab).
Also, Garacad is a regional
hotspot for weapons shipments landing, as it was pirate territory from 2008 –
2011. Boats disguised as fishing vessels still land there for smuggling
purposes.
It is at Garacad that Djibouti plays its heaviest role in
regional arms trafficking. The logistics, freight, and construction companies
involved in the Garacad Port Project are often owned by senor Djibouti
government officials and military officers.
Most of the construction materials
for the project will be transported overland from Djibouti or shipped to the
coast off Garacad. There is ample opportunity here for weapons smuggling.
Again, the UN Monitoring Group reports for this region include names of some
entities which local intelligence suggests are still accurate.
